Youth political participation is critical for the change in Yemen

Reasons for marginalization and absence from the dialogue table and the peace process!
Hadeel Al Muwaffaq
February 18, 2022

Youth political participation is critical for the change in Yemen

Reasons for marginalization and absence from the dialogue table and the peace process!
Hadeel Al Muwaffaq
February 18, 2022
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The today's landscape of youth political participation in Yemen looks very different from what it was in 2011. Several waves of disappointments have removed hopes of the desired outcomes of the Arab Spring. Although young people were the main agents of change of the 2011 revolution that toppled Ali Saleh’s rule, they have been gradually marginalized by political elites in its aftermath. Given the 7-year-old war and the ensuing deep economic crisis in the country, it is no wonder that most of Yemen's youth are deeply frustrated with the current situation. Moreover, they were discouraged by the successive setbacks, which had a significant and apprehensible impact on their level of political participation and activism during the current conflict.

The reluctance of Yemeni youth to engage in political affairs can be traced back to both internal and external factors. Internally, and at the individual level, distrust of the country's political process and growing sense of desperation have pushed many young people into political isolation and inactiveness. More specifically, the Seven Years' War and the devastating economic crisis have weakened the belief of Yemeni youth in their ability to positively influence the country's political affairs. Researcher Yazid Al-Jeddawi points out in a recent report published by the Sana'a Center for Strategic Studies that Yemeni youth feel betrayed by the political elites who have stolen their revolution and the opportunity to build a better future. The report also highlights that the priorities of Yemeni youth today have changed from demanding political participation to demanding improved security and economic conditions and job opportunities. Likewise, the fear of being forced into conscription, or forced marriage for economic reasons as in the case of women, as well as the loss of loved ones or the scenes of their starving prayers due to the war, seem to be more urgent and of deep concern and worrying for young people than seemingly far-reaching demands like a seat in the peace talks. 

In fact, many young people who have participated in these peacebuilding projects often complain about their lack of tools and knowledge that could make their participation more effective and impactful. As described by many, their participation was limited to attending what seemed to be an endless series of seminars, workshops and meetings that provided them with little more than “certificates of attendance”.

At the category level, the political nonparticipation of Yemeni youth can also be justified by the lack of trust and cohesion among the youth activists themselves and their current failure to engage in organized political activity. 

Moreover, there are at least two reasons that have contributed to the current situation. First, the country's political, and sometimes regional, divisions are mirrored by youth activist groups where this division prevented Yemeni youth from building and advocating for common issues and also weakened them politically, so they no longer have the same strong presence in the political arena that the youth movement enjoyed in 2011. Second, the hostile environment of the war has greatly limited the ability of young activists to express freely, and this is especially true for activists residing in Houthi-controlled cities. It is no wonder that many young activists have opted for silence or are looking to flee Yemen in search of better prospects and more space of freedom abroad.

As for the external factors that influence the Yemeni youth's retreat from politics, they include the resistance of political elites and local and international decision-makers to involve youth in any political process. Of course, the political parties in Yemen have a long history of marginalizing the youth whom they consider as tools to achieve their interests, which is still the case today. In fact, there is no point in talking about political parties today because they no longer play their traditional role in the political arena. Rather, they have been subjected to a large degree of mechanization and militarization, and they have chosen to enter the war arena as actors, and have already substituted political discourse with the gun and the tank.

Absence from peace efforts

When it comes to youth participation in the UN-led peace process, which is perhaps the only formal political process available today, Yemeni youth are largely absent from the dialogue table and decision-making process. In a recent research summary published by the Yemen Policy Center, I looked at the structural and political obstacles that have prevented Yemeni youth from being adequately represented in peace talks. Additionally, one of the findings of the research was the lack of political will of local actors such as the internationally recognized government and the Houthis to include youth in the peace process, and even their resistance to expanding the talks to include independent women and youth who are part of civil society structures. Basically, it is not expected from the parties to the conflict, especially when it comes to a totalitarian group such as the Houthis, to welcome this political pluralism, especially since studies indicate that the involvement of civil society in peace processes is closely associated with the success of negotiations and the achievement of lasting peace, which contradicts the interests of the warring parties by the continuation of the war. 

Further, neither of the previous UN envoys was able to push the warring parties to include young people at the negotiating table; either because there is no real international interest in engaging civil society in these process, or perhaps because the task of engaging them is not within the envoy's mandate. This is because UN Security Council Resolution 2216 recognizes only two parties to the conflict; the internationally recognized government and the Houthis, while failing to acknowledge the existence of other civic groups that have the same importance of representation in political negotiations, such as women, youth, and civil society in general. Similarly, Track II initiatives of the peace process aimed at bringing relevant stakeholders, including civil society actors, to influence the peace agenda, have not succeeded in effectively engaging Yemeni youth. This failure may be attributed to the fact that many youth networks are not active at this level of peace talks, and even those who were able to participate often describe their participation as symbolic at best.

In fact, many young people who have participated in these peacebuilding projects often complain about their lack of tools and knowledge that could make their participation more effective and impactful. As described by many, their participation was limited to attending what seemed to be an endless series of seminars, workshops and meetings that provided them with nothing more than “certificates of participation” and general theoretical knowledge, rather than any practical experiences or tangible results.

Therefore, changing the current youth condition requires a long-term commitment from local organizations and the international community to invest in building the capacity of young people in order to prepare them to take a more dynamic role in the peace process once it resumes. This includes training young people in more nuanced conflict resolution and policy-writing mechanisms, as well as supporting them to use the right tools for effective advocacy on the ground and on the social media. Furthermore, it also requires more efforts on the part of the Office of the United Nations Special Envoy for Yemen, to include young people in their plans and consult them when designing any ceasefire mechanisms or peace agreements, rather than involving them around the negotiating table itself when the process resumes.

Desired change 

In conclusion, and most importantly, Yemeni youth themselves must begin to demand and struggle for more effective representation in the peace process. Of course, it is understandable that many young people have lost hope that the peace process will bring about change, especially given its current stalemate and the faltering efforts of the envoy to achieve a comprehensive ceasefire, but it is important to ensure their participation in it. 

The war has negatively affected the youth in many ways, and unless there is a peace agreement that specifically addresses their grievances, the situation of Yemeni youth will remain as it is today. So it is significant for them to start speaking out and advocating for their issues, rather than allowing others to speak on their behalf. Although youth political participation is no longer a priority today, they must realize that this is the only way to bring about real positive change in their lives. Equally important, they should work to join or create initiatives and alliances with other civil society actors with the aim of influencing peacebuilding efforts outside the formal structure of the peace process. Perhaps this kind of public pressure is the best way to bring about meaningful changes in the course of both the war and the peace process.


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