The Cycle of Arts Prohibition Repeats Itself

Three Female Singers Flee from Sana'a to Aden Concealed Amongst Cargo Bags
Rafeeq Al-Akouri
July 23, 2024

The Cycle of Arts Prohibition Repeats Itself

Three Female Singers Flee from Sana'a to Aden Concealed Amongst Cargo Bags
Rafeeq Al-Akouri
July 23, 2024
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Here is an additional article that delves into Dr. Qaid Ghailan's piece titled "Descendants of the Imams Prohibit Singing," which was published by "Khuyut" in commemoration of Yemeni Song Day on July 1st, 2024.

I recently came across an article by Dr. Qaid Ghailan on the "Khuyut" website titled "Descendants of Imams Ban Singing." Additionally, I read the response by Mr. Hassan Al-Dawla, who aimed to refute the notion that singing and music were prohibited during that period.

It is important to acknowledge the scarcity of written references pertaining to the musical and artistic life during the Imams' rule. Researchers heavily rely on oral traditions and the transmission of stories through generations to gain insights into this subject matter. While some sources affirm the prohibition of singing and music by the Imams, others suggest a certain level of tolerance towards these artistic expressions. In my forthcoming article, I will delve into these captivating stories and oral traditions that revolve around art during the Imamate era, and I will draw connections to contemporary practices that oppose artistic endeavors.

In Yemen, one can witness the splendor of a remarkable traditional musical art form known as the Sanani song or Yemeni Mawwāl. Its roots are deeply intertwined with the emergence of Humaini poetry during the time of the Prophet. These captivating songs have been passed down through generations, preserved through traditional and oral practices. Interestingly, the identity of the original composer and performer of these melodic poems remains shrouded in mystery, often attributed simply to a "traditional melody." This lack of recognition can be traced back to the social stigma and religious prohibition associated with music and singing. While the composer plays a crucial role in arranging these poetic pieces, they often choose to conceal their identity, fearing social scrutiny. Indeed, it is a captivating hypothesis that proposes the Humaini poets themselves as the masterful composers of these treasured traditional songs. It is worth noting that many of these esteemed Humaini poets, who made significant contributions to the Sanani song, come from illustrious social backgrounds. They are often descendants of the esteemed Hashemite lineage or belong to respected families of judges. Renowned figures such as Ibn Sharaf Al-Din, Al-Ansi, Al-Anisi, and Al-Mufti are among those who have left an indelible mark on this art form. Their elevated social status granted them a certain level of freedom and openness, enabling them to establish intimate artistic gatherings where the art of composition and singing thrived in a relatively accepting environment. Their rich heritage and privileged position allowed them to contribute to and shape the legacy of the Sanani song, leaving an enduring cultural legacy for generations to come.

The Imam's Abstinence from Music

In the biography of Imam Al-Hadi, the prominent figure who introduced the Zaidi sect to Yemen, it is recorded that he once stated, "I have never committed the grave sin of adultery, nor have I knowingly consumed anything forbidden, nor have I indulged in intoxicants, nor have I listened to music...". Music and singing, according to the Imams, are not categorically forbidden or deemed entirely disgraceful. While some religious scholars have issued fatwas prohibiting them, no official fatwa or state law has been established to expressly prohibit the practice of playing musical instruments and engaging in singing. Consequently, there is no specific punishment prescribed for those who partake in these activities. However, practitioners of music and singing were traditionally classified within the lower classes and viewed with condescension due to their involvement in practices that may displease God and corrupt society by promoting indulgence in frivolity and forbidden pleasures.

Nevertheless, individuals from the upper echelons of society who engage in music and singing do not experience a diminishment in their social status. Many members of these privileged families have embraced careers in playing instruments and public singing, defying the religious and social conservatism prevalent in Yemeni society towards the arts. This defiance has gradually transformed perceptions surrounding those who pursue professions in singing and instrumental performance. In fact, even during the opening of Sana'a Radio in the mid-1950s, when artists were invited to record in the radio studios, no one had the audacity to step forward except for the artist Qasim Al-Akhfash. However, inspired by his bravery, several other artists eventually joined him in recording sessions.

During the Turkish conflict in Yemen, a severe drought and famine struck, leading the people to pray for rain and seek divine intervention. Despite their efforts, the much-needed rainfall remained elusive. This prompted the scholars and religious leaders to approach the Imam and explain that the root of this crisis lay in the widespread immorality, decadence, and the prevalence of musical instruments and songs. In response, the Imam commanded the arrest of alcohol traders, the destruction of musical instruments, and the hanging of an oud instrument on one of Sana'a's gates as a cautionary measure. This historical episode resonates with modern times, where art is often unfairly scapegoated for impeding progress and success.

During the Imamate era in Yemen, singing was practiced in two distinct settings. One was a prestigious venue reserved for the elite of society, frequented by high-ranking government officials, scholars, and intellectuals. These gatherings took place in picturesque locations or open spaces, reminiscent of the artistic sessions held at Al-Azzi Al-Sunaidar's residence. It is noteworthy that even Imam Ahmad had a close companion, the artist and poet Ahmed Al-Salimi, who would join his private gatherings and partake in singing. The second type of venue was where the general public would engage in singing, often discreetly away from public scrutiny and authorities, in the lower levels of houses referred to as "Al-Harr." These spaces were meticulously covered with cushions and fabrics to prevent the sound from escaping to the outside.

Thus, through the narratives that have been passed down regarding the artistic culture during the Imamate rule and the current artistic milieu, it is evident that history has a tendency to repeat itself.

  • During the Turkish conflict in Yemen, a severe drought and famine struck, leading the people to pray for rain and seek divine intervention. Despite their efforts, the much-needed rainfall remained elusive. This prompted the scholars and religious leaders to approach the Imam and explain that the root of this crisis lay in the widespread immorality, decadence, and the prevalence of musical instruments and songs. In response, the Imam commanded the arrest of alcohol traders, the destruction of musical instruments, and the hanging of an oud instrument on one of Sana'a's gates as a cautionary measure. This historical episode resonates with modern times, where art is often unfairly scapegoated for impeding progress and triumph.
  • The artists of the Sana'ani song tradition, known as the "Yememo Moashah," used to sing discreetly until they gained some freedom during the Ottoman era, which was relatively lenient towards music. The Ottomans introduced some military musical instruments to Yemen, allowing certain artists like Sheikh Saad Abdullah and Sheikh Jaber Rizq to practice singing with a degree of freedom before they turned to Sufism. After the Turks left Yemen and Imam Yahya took charge, singing was outlawed, and artists were hunted down. Those who engaged in singing faced schemes, persecution, and harassment from state officials and religious extremists. Rumors of their corrupt lifestyles were spread, leading to their persecution. This forced most of them to flee and emigrate, including prominent figures such as Mohammed Al-Mas, Ahmed Al-Attab, Saleh Al-Antari, and Mohammed Shaaban.

The Oud's Spell on the Rain

In contemporary times, despite artists once enjoying unrestricted freedom to pursue their singing craft during the Republic era, many now find themselves facing renewed harassment and persecution. This unfortunate reality has compelled some to seek refuge through fleeing and emigration.

  • Sana'a indeed stands as an open city, with its residents embodying a cultured and liberal society. This environment led the Imams to steer clear of extremist art practices within the city. While authorities often turned a blind eye to discreet public singing, any visible escalation in artistry would trigger swift crackdowns during times of turmoil, with the belief that such expressions could invoke divine displeasure. The tale goes that Judge Mohammed Al-Hajri cautioned Imam Yahya against rigidly condemning art, drawing upon Ibn Hazm's wisdom: "The prohibition of wealth is unequivocal, while the censure of singing is indirect." Conversely, in other urban hubs, traditional art forms faced the brunt of extremism. Notable instances include the persecution of artist Jaber Rizq in Al-Qabil village and the public destruction of musical instruments in Al-Mahwit Governorate. To further intimidate artists, ouds or other musical instruments were symbolically displayed outside security buildings.

In a cruel twist of fate, these repressive measures are now resurfacing in the city of Amran city, where artists find themselves subjected to persecution, imprisonment, and inhumane treatment.

  • Despite the religious conservatism and stringent control enforced by the authorities during the Imamat era regarding the acquisition and importation of phonograph records from Aden, with severe consequences for individuals found in possession of such records resulting in their destruction along with the phonograph player, the proliferation of musical records commenced in the 1940s. These records were clandestinely transported from Aden to Taiz and Sana'a, discreetly concealed in trucks amidst other goods.

In a parallel to history, today we witness authorities confiscating musical instruments and sound equipment in certain Yemeni provinces.

It has been mentioned that the Sana'ani song, specifically in the Kokbani style, remained confined to local circles and did not enjoy widespread popularity. The criteria upon which Dr. Ghailan based the classification of Kokbani songs as part of Sana'ani music remains unclear. This classification is imprecise, as it is well-known that Sana'ani music, not Hadrami music, consists of three distinct rhythms (Dasa'a, Wasatiya, Sar'a), with some incorporating the Kokbani rhythm. However, the inclusion of Kokbani does not necessarily make it a part of Sana'ani music.
  • In the 1940s, three female artists resorted to escaping from Sana'a to Aden hidden among sacks of goods due to being harassed by authorities. They recorded a series of songs on phonograph records at the Aden radio station using aliases: "The Veiled Woman," "The Country Girl," and "Fatima the Sana'ani." These recordings are considered the first of female voices in Yemen.

Presently, three female artists have been arrested in the city of Amran for performing at a wedding celebration.

Between the Sana'ani Song and the Kokbani Style:

In a recent addition to Dr. Ghailan's discussion on the Sana'ani song, he noted that the Kokbani-style Sana'ani songs were limited to local circles and did not achieve widespread recognition. The basis for Dr. Ghailan's classification of Kokbani songs as part of the Sana'ani music remains unclear. This classification lacks precision, as the Sana'ani song, known as Yemeni Muwashah, is traditionally distinguished by three rhythms (Dasa'a, Wasatiya, Sar'a), with occasional incorporation of the Kokbani rhythm. However, merely including Kokbani does not automatically categorize it as part of the Sana'ani musical tradition.

Furthermore, the assertion that the Sana'ani song is strictly local is inaccurate. The Sana'ani song, recognized as a refined art form in the Arabian Peninsula, has transcended its Yemeni geographical boundaries both historically and in contemporary times. During the 1930s to the 1960s, Ibrahim Al-Mas' records enjoyed wide distribution in Gulf countries. Some Gulf recording labels even produced recordings of Sana'ani songs by Yemeni artists. Notable Gulf singers like Ibn Faris and Ibn Walid have performed Sana'ani songs and preserved them on phonograph records. Additionally, the second-generation artist Mohammed Abdu gained prominence through his interpretations of Sana'ani songs.

Presently, if we consider the works of young artists in Sana'a under the umbrella of Sana'ani songs, we observe that these compositions have garnered substantial popularity on a broader Arab scale.

To conclude, in the grand tapestry of Yemen's history, the recurring cycle of prohibition and persecution surrounding music and singing is a testament to the enduring struggle for artistic freedom. From the clandestine melodies of the Sanani song tradition to the modern-day challenges faced by artists in the face of renewed crackdowns, the echoes of past oppression resonate with the present. The journey of artists fleeing persecution, seeking refuge, and defying societal constraints paints a vivid picture of resilience and defiance against the forces that seek to silence creativity. As the cycle of prohibition repeats itself, the indomitable spirit of Yemen's artists continues to shine through, a testament to the unwavering power of artistic expression in the face of adversity.

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